PA Senate Won’t Consider Energy Bills Until RGGI Carbon Tax Decided
According to the left-wing-funded (very partisan) Spotlight PA publication, a group of bills aimed at boosting electricity production and regulating clean energy has “rare, bipartisan support” in Pennsylvania’s divided legislature. We doubt that. More like a few RINOs are joining Democrats to support a few bills. Regardless of whether there is consensus between the two parties on these energy bills, they aren’t going anywhere in the PA Senate unless and until the state Supreme Court (loaded with Democrats) renders a decision on the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) carbon tax scheme. So says the PA Senate Majority Leader, Joe Pittman (Republican from Indiana). Read More “PA Senate Won’t Consider Energy Bills Until RGGI Carbon Tax Decided”
Last week, for the sixth week in a row, the Baker Hughes U.S. rig count dropped, down another four rigs to its lowest level since November 2021. It was the first time since September 2023 that the count has fallen for six (or more) weeks in a row. Free fallin’. However, the Marcellus/Utica count remained the same, at a combined 36 active rigs. The Pennsylvania Marcellus operated 18 rigs. The Ohio Utica operated 11 rigs. And West Virginia operated seven rigs. 
Two days ago, the Pennsylvania Independent Fiscal Office (IFO) released its latest quarterly Natural Gas Production Report for January through March 2025 (full copy below). There were 93 new horizontal wells spud (drilled) in 1Q25, a decrease of 7 wells (-7%) compared to 1Q24. However, 1Q’s spud number increased by 9 (11%) from the 84 drilled in the prior quarter, 4Q24. Natural gas production volume was 1,941 billion cubic feet (Bcf) in 1Q25, up 56 Bcf (3%) from 1,885 Bcf produced in 1Q24, and up 72 Bcf (4%) from the 1,869 Bcf produced in 4Q24. The big news revolved around price. The average Pennsylvania spot hub price was $3.69, an increase of $2.00 (117.5%) from the prior year. 
During a webinar in April, the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) announced it would use a new state General Air Quality Permit to implement Biden-era federal oil and gas facility methane reduction requirements (see 
On June 2, the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection’s (DEP) latest Environmental Justice newsletter announced that the PennEnviroScreen tool is now “fully integrated within the DEP permitting and programmatic review processes.” The tool draws maps to identify areas of “greater environmental justice (EJ) exposures” and potential effects by analyzing “environmental, health, and socioeconomic burdens across the Commonwealth.” It’s like a video game that shows users pretend areas where there are more minorities and poor people on the theory that they’re too stupid or poor to hire lawyers to resist new infrastructure, like gas wells, compressor stations, or pipelines. 
Corporate welfare—the transfer (theft) of money from taxpayers to uber-wealthy corporations, like Kraft Heinz, is particularly loathsome and disgusting. However, it’s widespread, unfortunately. In an effort to undermine fossil energy, the Biden administration shoveled money out the door to corporate cronies so fast nobody could keep track of it all. Biden’s “free money” included a $170 million grant to Kraft Heinz, which would have helped the food manufacturer install heat pumps, solar, biogas, and other loser “renewable” energy solutions at 10 of its facilities in New York, Virginia, Minnesota, Iowa, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, Missouri, and Illinois. Kraft Heinz received $5.9 million of the promised funding in December. It won’t see another dime. 
Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro is a typical liberal Democrat politician. He pretends to be moderate and a supporter of the Marcellus industry in the Keystone State. He is neither. Shapiro claims his proposed energy programs will cut costs for Pennsylvanians. The reverse is true. But we’re not just making blanket, unprovable assertions or opinions about Shapiro’s energy plans. A new study from the Commonwealth Foundation estimates that Shapiro’s energy policies, 
Electricity bills across Pennsylvania (and elsewhere in the PJM grid) are due to increase on June 1, when utilities reset a portion of their charges to reflect the current cost of energy. The increases reflect the rising cost of power on the regional transmission grid. Electric grids are complex to understand, but at their core, the grid manager (in this case, PJM) coordinates the flow of electricity within the grid and operates a wholesale power market where utilities purchase the electricity they deliver to their customers. Wholesale electric prices have spiked, and now utilities need to pass along those costs to ratepayers (don’t be mad at the local utility). The question is, why have wholesale electric prices spiked? Is someone (is PJM) at fault? 
The Baker Hughes U.S. rig count dropped like a rock last week, down 10 rigs to its lowest level since November 2021. It is the first time the count has slumped for four consecutive weeks since 2024. On a happier note, the combined Marcellus/Utica count rose by two rigs to 37 active rigs. However, there was a change between the plays (and states) in the M-U. The Pennsylvania Marcellus lost one rig, now at 17 rigs, while the Ohio Utica picked up two rigs, now at 12 rigs. West Virginia remained the same with eight active rigs. 
The editors of the Pottsville, PA, Republican Herald newspaper in northeastern Pennsylvania raise an important issue that should be considered in light of the flurry of announced (and rumored) data centers planned for northeastern PA. The editors look forward to the massive economic boom such centers would create. However, as with any industry, there are drawbacks, negatives to be aware of and plan for. In the case of data centers, the lack of zoning ordinances may bite municipalities on the backside. It’s time to address these issues now, before these massive facilities are built. 
According to opinion researchers at Pennsylvania’s Franklin & Marshall College, the issue of fracking has deepened the schism between Democrats and Republicans in the Keystone State. Pennsylvania’s voter registration statistics have shifted rightward (from Democrat to Republican), which has been traced to shifts in the affiliation of working-class communities, particularly those located in the northeastern and southwestern parts of the state. New research offers a more direct cause for the shift: the decline of coal mining and the rise of shale gas development. 
Yesterday, the first of what will no doubt be many such events, the Appalachian AI Energy Conference (sponsored by Shale Directories) was held at the Hilton Garden Inn in Pittsburgh/Southpointe. Event speakers explored why Appalachia is uniquely suited to meet AI’s massive energy needs. CNX’s VP of sustainable development, Brent Bobsein, spoke about the region’s “massive opportunity.” 
The Marcellus/Utica region is the United States’ top natural gas production area, accounting for about one-third of the country’s daily output. Natural gas production in the M-U has soared from 2 Bcf/d (billion cubic feet per day) to over 33 Bcf/d today in the past 15 years. Growth has slowed in recent years due to pipeline constraints, but new pipeline projects, rising Gulf Coast LNG demand, and in-basin data center development could drive a resurgence. Despite past challenges like canceled pipelines and a focus on the Permian, our region’s vast potential and improving infrastructure suggest a breakout, according to RBN Energy. However, low gas prices and regulatory hurdles remain big concerns, though data centers and LNG exports could boost demand significantly.