PA DEP Conducting “Listening Tour” for “Environmental Justice”
Last December the Pennsylvania Dept. of Environmental Protection (DEP) said it would go on a “listening tour” in early 2017, to focus on so-called environmental justice–whatever that is (see PA DEP to Conduct ‘Listening Tour’ for ‘Environmental Justice’). It’s no longer early 2017, but the DEP has finally set up a schedule for its listening tour. Our take: “environmental justice” means asking poor people if they’ve been abused by the oil and gas industry in any way–and if they have a beef, the DEP will “do” something about it. This isn’t the first “listening tour” conducted by the DEP. You may recall in 2013 the agency conducted a listening tour for new drilling regulations (see PA DEP Launches Public Comments on New Drilling Rules, Roadshow). It went so well, they extended it into 2014 (see PA DEP Extends Roadshow for Public Comment on New Drilling Rules). In 2015, the now-fired DEP Sec. John Quigley went on a 14-stop listening tour to elicit input on PA’s version of Obama’s disastrous Clean Power Plan (see DEP launches public talks on Clean Power Plan). Yesterday President Trump essentially dumped the CPP (dreams DO come true!). The DEP’s newest listening tour will hit nine whistle stops beginning in April and ending in May…
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In May 2016, Williams’ Transcontinental Gas Pipe Line Company (Transco) pre-filed with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) for a project called the Northeast Supply Enhancement project (see 
Several weeks ago the Maryland House of Delegates put the bullet in the chamber of gun when they voted to ban fracking (see 
In May 2016 a landowner in Wayne County, PA–in the Delaware River Basin–filed a lawsuit against the Delaware River Basin Commission (DRBC) asking a judge to declare the DRBC does not have jurisdiction to prevent construction of a natural gas well (see 
Delays in turning around permit applications for new Marcellus drilling is hurting the industry, according to the Marcellus Shale Coalition (MSC). MSC president Dave Spigelmyer says lack of certainty in the PA Marcellus means more drilling goes to neighboring West Virginia and Ohio–even to Louisiana. The PA Dept. of Environmental Protection (DEP), responsible for reviewing and issuing permits, sounds somewhat defensive about their lack of performance, blaming delays on staff shortages, staff turnover, and “enhanced scrutiny of permit applications.” The Pittsburgh office now takes over 200 days (over 6 months!) to process an erosion control permit–up from 139 days in 2015. Simply not acceptable…
In January 2016, the Obama Dept. of Interior posted a new rule that will make it all but impossible for oil and gas drillers to drill on federal lands (see 
In June 2014, MDN told you about the Dominion New Market Project–a project that will build two new compressor plants and upgrade one other compressor station in upstate New York–to help flow more abundant, cheap and clean-burning Marcellus Shale gas from Pennsylvania (and beyond) into the northeast (see 
The West Virginia Oil & Natural Gas Association (WVONGA) has just raised the stakes significantly in a bid to pass new “forced pooling lite” legislation. In the past six years, the oil and gas industry in WV has pushed for a forced pooling law five times. It’s failed every time. So this year the industry, represented by WVONGA, said it would not push forced pooling but instead would try to get a bill passed to address two of the issues that were previously part of a larger forced pooling bill–something called co-tenancy and joint development (see 
The Pennsylvania Dept. of Environmental Protection (DEP) yesterday released a new online search tool for the public which enables anyone to search through electronic documents filed by Marcellus Shale drillers. Last year the DEP created new regulations for shale drillers called Chapter 78a (see 
We find it kind of amusing. Anti-drillers and Democrats (usually one and the same) in Pennsylvania bellyache and moan and groan that PA is “the only oil and gas state without a severance tax” and how life would be SO much better if only PA had a severance…blah blah blah. They point out that Ohio has a severance tax. West Virginia has a severance tax. EVERYBODY has a severance tax. Of course they conveniently ignore (or lie about) the fact that PA has an impact fee, or an impact tax, if you will. The impact fee levies a charge on new wells for a number a years on a sliding scale. Think of the impact fee like a property tax, and a severance tax like a sales tax on goods sold. The beauty of the impact fee is that 60% of it stays in the communities where drilling actually happens. Impact fee revenue goes to local municipalities to offset the “impacts” of drilling in those communities, money used for things like fire departments, police, roads, etc. An impact fee is superior to a severance tax in many ways. While OH and WV’s severance tax revenue went over a cliff when the price of natural gas went over a cliff, PA’s impact fee was far less affected. But the point of this post is not in the relative merits in the type of taxation. The point is that legislators in Ohio want to reallocate some of their severance tax revenue to be used in communities where Utica drilling happens. That is, they want to convert some of the OH severance tax into, essentially, an impact fee. So while PA bellyaches about having an impact fee and not a severance tax, states (like OH) that actually have a severance tax, would rather have an impact fee!…
It sure seems like it’s taking a long time for President Trump and his team to announce and put forward his nominees for the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC). Shortly after taking office, Trump elevated one of the three sitting, Democrat Commissioners, Cheryl LaFleur to be Acting Chairman of the agency. That ticked off the then-current Chairman, Norman “crybaby” Bay, who promptly resigned (see 
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There were early signs that Maryland’s newly elected “Republican” governor was weak on the subject of fracking, as we pointed out in 2015 when we said that then-new Gov. Larry Hogan, who was elected on a platform of supporting shale drilling, had decided to let a two-year moratorium on shale drilling become law without his signature (see